Addis Ababa: The Marginalized Center

 (Befekadu Hailu)

Can Addis Ababa city be entitled to self-identification and self-determination? It seems an easy question until you delve deeper into the political discourse surrounding the city, i.e., the tension between Addis Ababa's cosmopolitan reality and the ethnically defined structure of the Ethiopian federation. I am writing this essay with the belief that resolving the Addis Ababa puzzle will open the way to a solution for Ethiopia’s challenge of building a civic polity. 

Adanch Abebe, the Mayor of Addis Ababa, has convened a consultation with Addis Ababa residents on contemporary issues on June 11, 2025. The youth in the meeting were compartmentalized by ethnicity, each with their associated attire; some of these attires reflected religious identity. The fact that the youth are dressed in ethnic uniforms made the consultation meeting more like a pre-planned stunt show rather than a genuine and spontaneous consultation meeting between the city’s administration and its residents. However, what attracted me the most is the fact that these groupings reveal how the government perceives the residents of Addis Ababa. Yes, Addis Ababa is home to a diverse range of groups. Still, the regime prefers to view them in divided ethnic groups, as if the rules of ethnicity in homogeneous settlements can also apply to diverse and urban settings.  

In this piece, I will explain why both the EPRDF and the Prosperity Party are not able to resolve the issues of Addis Ababa residents unless they understand them as they are. 

The FDRE constitution and the charter of Addis Ababa both claim to enshrine self-governing rights of the city’s residents. Unfortunately, the political rhetoric is at odds with the actual practice. In reality, Addis Ababa is a city administered by the protectorate party. Addis Ababa, as much as it is privileged with its status as a capital or, as some call, a “crown city,” is a victim of over-ethnicized ideologies. In Ethiopia’s ethnic federation, regional states, special zones, and special woredas are demarcated along ethnic lines. Addis Ababa, a diverse urban settlement for over a century, has been denied its cosmopolitan identity and was forced to adhere to ethnic and linguistic rules. 

Unlike rural settlements, urban settlements are naturally heterogeneous. The ancestral origins of its residents are typically diverse, both ethnically and geographically. People with different religious views coexist side by side. Therefore, the rules that govern citizens of cities must always be civic and secular; the ethnolinguistic or cultural virtues that vary across communities cannot be used to rule cities harmoniously. However, this is especially true for all, especially in city politics, that political participation should not be limited by narrow principles of belonging to an ethnic group or a birthplace. This has resulted in two main challenges that I will explore further later: denial of self-identification and denial of self-determination. 

ጥያቄው ምንድን ነው? የኢትዮጵያ ፖለቲካዊ አለመረጋጋት መንስዔዎች (እና የመፍትሔ ሐሳቦች)!

 (በፍቃዱ ኃይሉ)

 ይህን መጣጥፍ ያዘጋጀሁት እያስጴድ ተስፋዬ “ምክረ-ሀሳብ ለረጋ ፖለቲካዊ ስርአት” በሚል ላቀረበው ጽሑፍ መጋቢ መልስ ይሆን ዘንድ ነው። በቅድሚያ እያስጴድ ጊዜ ወስዶ እና አሰላስሎ “የተረጋጋ ስርዓተ ማኅበር ለመፍጠር እንቅፋት ሆነዋል” ያላቸውን ነጥቦች በመዘርዘር እና የመፍትሔ ሐሳቦችን በመሰንዘር ውይይት ለማነሳሳት በመሞከሩ ከልቤ ላመሰግነው እወዳለሁ። እንዲህ ዓይነት የሰከነ ውይይት እና ቆም ብሎ ለማሰላሰል የሚረዳ መጣጥፍ ማዘጋጀት በተለይ በዚህ ሁሉ ነገር በሚጣደፍበት እና የማኅበራዊ ሚዲያ ተደራሲዎች ትኩረት ባጠረበት ጊዜ አስቸጋሪ እንደሆነ እረዳለሁ። ሆኖም፣ የውይይቱ በረከት እንዳያመልጠኝ፣ እሱ በቀደደው የውይይት አጀንዳ ላይ ተመርኩዤ የኔንም ሐሳቦች እንደሚከተለው አቀርባለሁ። (ጽሑፉን በፒዲኤፍ ለማንበብ ይህንን ሊንክ ይከተሉ።)

ይህ ጽሑፍ ሦስት ዋና ክፍሎች አሉት። የመጀመሪያው ክፍል “የእያስጴድን አንብሮ” (Eyasped’s Thesis) እኔ በተረዳሁት ልክ አሳጥሬ የማቀርብበት ነው።  ሁለተኛው ክፍል አንብሮው ላይ ግምገማ የማቀርብበት ነው። ሦስተኛው ክፍል እያስጴድ ማካተት ነበረበት የምላቸውን “ተጨማሪ ሐሳቦች” የማቀርብበት ነው። 

1.     የእያስጴድ አንብሮ

የመጋቢ መልስ ሐሳቤን ከማቅረቤ በፊት የእያስጴድ አንብሮ (thesis) የያዛቸውን ጭብጦች፣ እኔ በተረዳሁት መልኩ ለማቅረብ እሞክራለሁ። መጣጥፉ በአራት ምዕራፎች የተቀነበበ ነው። የመጀመሪያው ምዕራፍ ኢትዮጵያውያን የተረጋጋ ስርዓት ማኖር ለምን እንደተሳነን ይተነትናል። ሁለተኛው ምዕራፍ ችግሩን የመመልከቻ መነፅር ያቀርባል። በሦስተኛው ምዕራፍ ወደ መፍትሔ የሚወስደንን ማዕቀፍ ያመላክት እና በአራተኛው እና የመጨረሻው ምዕራፍ አዲስ አገር ዐቀፍ የፖለቲካ ፓርቲ በመመሥረት ዘላቂ መፍትሔ ማምጣት እንደሚቻል ይደመድማል። (የእያስጴድን አንብሮ ጨምቄ በማቀርብበት እና በምገመግምበት ጽሑፍ ውስጥ አንዳንድ የቃላት አጠቃቀሞችን ለእኔ አጻጻፍ ዘዬ በተመቸ መልኩ እንደቀየርኳቸው ከወዲሁ ለማሳወቅ እወዳለሁ።) 

How Does a Changing World Order Change Ethiopia?

 (Befekadu Hailu) 

Historically, significant shifts in the global order have also profoundly impacted Ethiopia’s internal order. In the early 20th century, one of the key factors contributing to Ras Teferi Mekonnen's (later Haile Selassie I) rise over Lij Iyasu was his alignment during the First World War. Lij Iyasu, as the grandson of Menelik II, was entitled to inherit the throne upon the emperor's death in 1913. However, while he was trying to make local and international alignments, he chose to be aligned with the Ottoman Empire, Germany, and Austria-Hungary (the Central Powers); in contrast, Ras Tafari, the great-grandson of Sahle Silassie, the grandfather of Menelik II, aligned with Great Britain, the Russia Empire, and France (the Allied Powers). 

Lij Iyasu's perceived conversion to Islam and his connections with the Ottoman Empire and Somali nationalist leader Mohammed Abdullah Hassan, who resisted British and Italian colonialism, had concerned the Allied powers. They feared that his alliances could destabilize their colonies in the Horn of Africa and give the Central Powers a strategic advantage.  Conversely, Ras Tafari’s strategic loyalty to the Allied Forces earned him the support of Britain and France, who viewed him as a counter to Lij Iyasu's pro-Central Powers stance. They facilitated his rise by providing troops and using him as a mediator. In September 1916, the Allied powers, particularly Britain and France, actively supported the coup d'état that deposed Lij Iyasu. 

Ras Tafari then slowly but surely dismantled the decentralized power structure and created a centralized army and bureaucracy in his long years in power. Had Lij Iyasu won the power struggle, it is believed he would have promoted a multi-religious and decentralized political settlement. 

During World War II, Emperor Haile Selassie allied himself with the Allied Forces, which included the United Kingdom, United States, and USSR, against the Axis Powers, which included Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany, and Imperial Japan. Italy had invaded Ethiopia, forcing the Emperor into political exile. This alliance proved beneficial for the Emperor, as he regained power in 1941 with the support of the United Kingdom's military. This alliance further aided Haile Selassie; the Allied Powers submitted a report to the United Nations, stating that Eritrea lacked national consciousness and the economic means to sustain independence. Additionally, the US lobbied in favor of Ethiopia, and the UN endorsed the federation of Eritrea with Ethiopia. 

The fall of Ethiopia’s Imperial system and the rise of a socialist regime were not isolated incidents. Instead, while domestic factors dictate changes, it was also heavily influenced by the changing world order. The decades after the Second World War were characterized by decolonization. The growing awareness among Ethiopians, particularly scholars and intellectuals, regarding anti-colonial struggles across Africa and the Global South fostered a heightened consciousness concerning Ethiopia's internal hierarchical power dynamics and economically exploitative systems. This exposure to Marxist, anti-colonial, and anti-imperialist discourse provided a framework for critical analysis, leading some intellectuals to conceptualize the southern and peripheral regions of Ethiopia as being in a relationship akin to internal colonialism. This perspective effectively challenged the legitimacy of the unitary and often idealized narrative of Imperial Ethiopia, thereby amplifying dissenting voices and contributing to the socio-political environment that ultimately facilitated the rise of a socialist regime in the 1974 revolution.

Similar to its rise, the fall of the Derg regime was also influenced by the changing global order. The Derg's primary patron, the Soviet Union (USSR), indeed experienced a decline in global influence culminating in its dissolution in 1991, marking the end of the Cold War. Simultaneously, armed groups opposing the Ethiopian central government, such as the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF), astutely observed the shifting international political landscape and strategically adopted the language of Western-style liberal democracy. As a result, the armed groups seized power and redefined the country's social contract, while Eritrea seceded. 

As I have briefly demonstrated above, although Ethiopian political actors have the agency and domestic political dynamics play their own roles, the global political landscape significantly influences regime changes, redefines political relationships, and the dominance of political actors.  Internal political changes in Ethiopia are therefore likely to occur as a result of shifts in the global order. The nature of these internal changes will depend on the actions and alignment of political actors in response to the evolving international situation.

How is the Global Order Changing?

The global landscape is undeniably in flux, with compelling arguments for a changing world order fueled by the rise of powers like China and India, a perceived decline in US hegemony, challenges to the liberal international order, increasing geopolitical tensions, the growing influence of non-state actors, technological disruptions, and the assertive voice of the Global South. 

The unipolar order led by the United States’ liberal democracy is now crumbling from the inside out. Trump’s administration decision to dismantle the US’s soft power, such as the USAID, and its trade war with the world, and most particularly with China, is speeding up the change into either a uni-multipolar order (a global system where there is one superpower with competing regional powers) or multipolar order (where multiple super powers competing each other) or one after the other. 

The United States remains the wealthiest country, boasting a vast military might; therefore, it is likely to maintain its global hegemony for some time to come. However, China’s unparalleled and ongoing economic and technological advancements will inevitably undermine American economic dominance. Additionally, the emergence of new regional powers in the Middle East will create a possibility of a multipolar order.

My Public Appeal: Voice of America Matters to Ethiopia

To the Government of the United States of America and all concerned,

As a friend of the free press from Ethiopia, I write this appeal with deep concern regarding the reported staff reduction and leave of Voice of America (VOA), which might lead to its shutdown. For decades, VOA has served as a vital lifeline of information for millions of people worldwide, particularly in countries where freedom of the press is suppressed and access to objective news is severely limited. Ethiopia is one country where VOA's role has been indispensable, primarily through its Amharic, Afaan Oromoo, and Tigrigna services. Now, these services are off-air following the reduction executive order.

My own life bears testament to the profound impact of VOA. Growing up in Ethiopia, I witnessed firsthand how successive regimes systematically censored critical information, denying citizens their fundamental right to know. In this environment of stifled voices, my parents, like countless others, would tune their radios to VOA to understand the real political developments shaping our country. VOA was not just a news outlet; it was a window to the truth, a beacon of hope in the darkness of censorship.

Later, as a human rights defender, I personally experienced the very information vacuum that VOA tirelessly worked to fill. Subjected to repeated harassment and imprisonment for advocating for fundamental rights, my story was often ignored or misrepresented by state-affiliated media. Weak independent media, understandably fearing repercussions, often shied away from reporting such sensitive news. But VOA was different. It consistently provided accurate and unbiased coverage of my experiences, ensuring that the world knew what was happening, that my voice, and the voices of many others, would not be silenced. Therefore, as much as my country owes it, I personally owe it to VOA.

My personal experience is far from unique. It is the shared reality of countless Ethiopians and many others across Africa and beyond who have relied on VOA for credible news and diverse perspectives in their own languages. VOA's commitment to delivering factual reporting, even in the face of authoritarian pressure, has empowered citizens, held power to account, and fostered a more informed public discourse.

The potential silencing of this crucial voice would be a devastating blow to those who depend on it most. In Ethiopia, where access to the free press remains a constant struggle, the absence of VOA's Amharic, Afaan Oromoo, and Tigrigna services would create a significant void, further limiting citizens' ability to access independent information and make informed decisions about their lives and their nation's future.

Therefore, I urgently appeal to the U.S. government to reconsider any decision leading to Voice of America's shutdown. I implore you to recognize VOA's immense value, not just as a source of news but as a defender of democratic values and a crucial supporter of freedom of information in countries like Ethiopia. Preserving VOA's services is not merely a matter of broadcasting; it is a commitment to upholding fundamental human rights and supporting the aspirations of people striving for a more just and open society.

VOA's legacy in Ethiopia is one of trust, reliability, and unwavering commitment to truth. I urge you to ensure that this legacy continues to shine brightly, providing vital service to those who need it most.

Sincerely,

Befekadu Hailu,
A Friend to the Free Press from Ethiopia.

ውንብድና እና የአዲስ አበባ ዝምታ…

 (በፍቃዱ ኃይሉ) 

አዲስ አበባ ውስጥ ውንብድና ጨምሯል። ይህንን የምለው እንዲሁ በልምድ “ዛሬ ከትላንት ይከፋል” በሚል ዲስኩር ተጠልፌ አይደለም። በራሴ ደርሶ ስላየሁት ነው፤ ያውም በአንድ ዓመት ርቀት ውስጥ ሁለት ጊዜ የወንበዴዎች ጥቃት ሰለባ ሆኛለሁ፤ ገጠመኙ ከተማዬ ውስጥ በፍርሐት እና በድንጋጤ እንድንቀሳቀስ አስገድዶኛል (ዝርዝሩን ወደ በኋላ እነግራችኋለሁ)።

አዲስ አበባ ዕድሜ ልኬን የኖርኩባት እና ጓዳ ጎድጓዳዋን የማውቃት ከተማ ነች። አዲሳባ ውስጥ ያልሔድኩበት ሰፈር፣ አምሽቼ ያልገባሁበት ሰዓት አልነበረም። በፊት፣ በፊት ውንብድና አልነበረም እያልኳችሁ አይደለም። ድብን አድርጎ ነበር። ነገር ግን በጥቂት ጥንቃቄ ራሳችሁን ማዳን ትችሉ ነበር። አሁን ግን ዓይን ያወጣ፣ ጭካኔ የበዛበት፣ አልፎ ተርፎም ጥቂት ገንዘብ የሚያወጣ ስልክ ይዛችሁ እንደሁ ተስፋ በማድረግ፣ ሕይወታችሁን አደጋ ላይ የሚጥል “ጨቦ” (chokehold) ተደራጅተው በመኪና በሚንቀሳቀሱ ሰዎች የሚፈፀምበት፣ እና ከጊዜ ወደ ጊዜ እየጨመረ የመጣ ውንብድና ነው።

ለዚህ መጣጥፍ መነሻ የሆነኝ፣ ይኼ ቦሌ አካባቢ፣ ሁለት ሆነው የሚሔዱ ሰዎችን በመኪና የሚንቀሳቀሱ ሰዎች ከኋላቸው ሲያንቋቸው የሚያሳይ ቪዲዮ ነው። ቪዲዮው እንደሚያሳየው ቪዲዮው ከሚቀረፅበት አቅጣጫ የመኪና ጡሩንባ ሲጮህ ይደመጣል። ቀራጩ መኪናው ውስጥ ያለ ይመስላል። በዚህ ጊዜ ከወንበዴዎቹ አንዱ ወደ መኪናው ድንጋይ ይወረውርበታል። ሌላ መኪናም እንዲሁ መንገድ ሊዘጋባቸው ሲሞክር ነገር ይታያል። ውንብድናው እየተፈፀመ ያለው ተመልካች ባለበት ሁኔታ ነው። ሁለቱን ተጠቂዎች ያነቋቸው ወንበዴዎች ግን ዘረፋቸውን በዚህ ሁሉ ግርግር ሳይረበሹ አጠናቅቀዋል። ይህን ዓይነት ቪዲዮ ሳይ የመጀመሪያዬ አይደለም። በጣም በርካታ ተመሳሳይ ትራጄዲዎች በየማኅበራዊ ሚዲያው ተለጥፈዋል። 

የመጀመሪያ ጊዜ የተዘረፍኩት በሲኤምሲ አጥር በኩል በዋናው ጎዳና ላይ፣ ከምሽቱ 2:05 ሰዓት ገደማ ነበር። የመንገድ መብራት ቢኖርም በዛፎቹ ተከልሎ የእግረኛው መንገድ ደንገዝገዝ ብሏል። መኪኖች ውር ውር ይላሉ። ድንገት ከኋላዬ የሆነ ሰው አንገቴ ላይ ተጠመጠመብኝ። መጀመሪያ የመሰለኝ የሆነ መላፋት የሚወድ የልጅነት ጓደኛዬ ድንገት ሲያየኝ ዘሎ የተጠመጠመብኝ ነበር። ከዛ ሌላኛውን ሰው ከፊት ለፊቴ አየሁት። ነገርዬው ዝርፊያ እንደሆነ በገባኝ በቅፅበት ውስጥ የለሁም። ስነቃ፣ መሬት ላይ ተጋድሜያለሁ። በሰመመን “መሬት ላይ ለምን ተኛሁ?” እያልኩ ራሴን እጠይቃለሁ። ከዛ በአጠገቤ ሽው ሽው የሚሉ መኪኖች አሉ። ደንግጬ ተስፈንጥሬ ተነሳሁ። ሰውነቴ ትንሽ ተጋግጧል። ስልኬን እና ዋሌቴን ወስደውታል፤ ኪሴ ውስጥ የነበረው ትንሽ ገንዘብ ግን አልተወሰደም። በኋላ በአካባቢው የነበሩ ሰዎች የተናገሩትን ገጣጥሜ ስተነትነው ወንበዴዎቹ በመኪና የሚንቀሳቀሱ ናቸው። እኔን ሲያንቁ አንድ ሚኒባስ ታክሲ ሲመጣባቸው ራሴን እንደሳትኩ በቁሜ ጥለውኝ በያዙት መኪና ሸሽተው እንደሔዱ ገምቻለሁ። ሰውነቴ የተፋፋቀው በዛ ምክንያት መሰለኝ። የኪስ ገንዘቤን ያልወሰዱትም በዚያ ምክንያት ተጣድፈው ይመስላል። 

ይኼንን ገጠመኜን ስናገር በዙሪያዬ ያሉ ሰዎች በሙሉ ወይ በቅርቡ ደርሶባቸዋል አልያም የደረሰበት ሰው ያውቃሉ። የእኔም ታናሽ ወንድም ከጥቂት ዓመታት በፊት ተመሳሳይ ጥቃት ደርሶበት ነበር። እሱ ያውም ቀድሞ ነቅቶ ስለታገላቸው ትከሻው አካባቢ በጩቤ ወግተውታል። 

በጉዞ ገጠመኝ ከዚህ በፊት የጎበኘኋቸው አንዳንድ ከተሞች ውስጥ በጣም የሚያስፈሩ ታሪኮችን ስሰማ “አዲስ አበባ እኮ ገነት ናት” እያልኩ እናገር ነበር። ናይሮቢ እና ካምፓላ ውስጥ ትንንሽ የሰፈር ሱቆች መስኮታቸው በብረት ፍርግርግ ነው የሚጠበቀው። የመስታወት ሱቆች ያሉት ሞል ውስጥ ብቻ እንጂ መንገድ ዳር አይደለም። የኤቲኤም ማሽኖች በወታደር የሚጠበቁባቸው ቦታዎች አሉ። ጆሃንስበርግ ከተማ ዳር ዳሩ ላይ በእግር መንቀሳቀስ አይመከርም፤ ምክንያቱም የተደራጁ ወንበዴዎች ድንገተኛ የዘረፋ ጥቃት ሊፈፅሙባችሁ ይችላሉ። አዲስ አበባ እነዚህ ተርታ አልደረሰችም። ነገር ግን ወደዚያ እየተጓዘች ይመስለኛል። 

ሁለተኛውን ገጠመኜን ከማውራቴ በፊት ለምን ውንብድና እንዲህ ዓይን አወጣ የሚለው ላይ ጥቂት እንነጋገር። 

ግለሰብ፣ ፓርቲ፣ መንግሥት እና አገር

(በፍቃዱ ዘ. ኃይሉ)

አምባገነናዊ ስርዓቶች ግለሰብ፣ ፓርቲ፣ መንግሥት እና አገርን ለዜጎቻቸው እንደማይነጣጠሉ አስመስለው ያቀርባሉ። ግለሰቡን ከነካችሁ ፓርቲው ይፈርሳል፣ ፓርቲውን ከነካችሁ፣ መንግሥቱ ይፈርሳል፣ መንግሥቱን ከነካችሁ አገሩ ይፈርሳል። እውነት አላቸው። አምባገነኖች እና የአገዛዙ ጥቅመኞች ሕልውናቸውን ከአገሩ ሕልውና ጋር አስተሳስረው ነው የሚኖሩት። ኢሕአዴግ ከመውደቁ ትንሽ ሰሞን ቀደም ብሎ በአማርኛ ዝና ያገኘ አንድ የትግርኛ አባባል ነበር “ለምጣዱ ሲባል አይጧ ትትረፍ።” በግለሰቦች እና አገዛዞች መተሳሰር ምክንያት ዜጎች አምባገነኖችን ለመጣል ሲታገሉ አገራቸውንም ራሳቸው ላይ ይማፍረስ ስጋት አላቸው። ስለዚህ አምባገነኖችን መታገል በጣም አስቸጋሪ ነው፤ ነገር ግን የማይቻል አይደለም።

የማይሻር ግለሰብ እና የማይቀየር የፖለቲካ ፓርቲ ያለበት መንግሥት መጨረሻው ለአገሩ ጠንቅ መሆን ነው። ግለሰቡም፣ ፓርቲውም ዘላቂ ዕድሜ የላቸውም። በመሆኑም ዜጎች መፃዒ ዕጣ ፈንታቸውን በሰቀቀን እንዲጠብቁ ይገደዳሉ። ተወደደም ተጠላም በብዙኃን ይሁንታ የሚወጣ እና የሚወርድ መንግሥት ያለበት አገር የተሻለ ተስፋና ሰላም ለሕዝቡ ይሰጣል። ነገር ግን በብዙኃን ይሁንታ መውጣት እና መውረድ ብቻ በቂ አይደለም። ገዢዎች በሥልጣን ላይ በሚቆዩበት ጊዜ ማድረግ የሚችሉት ነገር ካልተገደበ እያደር አውዳሚ ከመሆን አይመለሱም።

ይባስ ብሎ፣ በአምባገነናዊ ስርዓቶች ውስጥ ግን ሥልጣን ላይ መውጫ እና ሥልጣን ላይ መሰንበቻው መንገድ ነውጥ ብቻ ነው። ባለ ፍፁም ሥልጣኑ - አምባገነኑ - በወደቀ ቁጥር፣ ቢያንስ በየትውልዱ ትርምስ ይኖራል። አጥኚዎች ኢትዮጵያ ውስጥ ቢያንስ ላለፉት ሁለት መቶ ዓመታት፣ ትልቅ ጦርነት ያላየ ትውልድ የለም የሚሉት ለዚህ ነው።

መንግሥት በግለሰብ እጅ ተጠልፎ እንዳይወድቅ ለማድረግ የተፈጠረው ሞዴል ማዲሰኒያን ሞዴል ይባላል። ከአሜሪካ መንግሥት መሥራቾች መካከል ጄምስ ማዲሰን በጻፈው ጽሑፍ ላይ የተመሠረተ ሞዴል ነው። ሞዴሉ፣ ቢያንስ እስካሁን ለብዙ ዴሞክራሲያዊ አገሮች ሠርቷል።  የጀምስ ማዲሰን ጽሑፍ እንዲህ ይላል፤ “ሰዎች መልዓክ ቢሆኑ ኖሮ፥ መንግሥታት አያስፈልጉም ነበር። ሰዎችን የሚገዟቸው መላዕክት ቢሆኑም ኖሮ፥ መንግሥታት ላይ ቁጥጥር መጣል አያስፈልግም ነበር። ሰዎችን ሰዎች በሚያስተዳድሩበት ሁኔታ መንግሥትን መቅረፅ፥ ከባድ ፈተና አለበት። መጀመሪያ ገዢው ተገዢዎቹን መቆጣጠር መቻል አለበት፤ ከዚያ ገዢው ራሱን እንዲገዛ ማስገደድ ያስፈልጋል።” ("ፌዴራሊስት ፔፐርስ 51")

የኢትዮጵያ ሕገ መንግሥትም የማዲሰንያንን ሞዴል ለመኮረጅ ሞክሯል። በመነባነብ እንደሚነገረው ሕግ አውጪ አለ (ፓርላማው)፣ ሕግ ተርጓሚ አለ (ፍርድ ቤቶችና የፌዴሬሽን ምክር ቤቱ)፣ እንዲሁም አስፈፃሚ አካል አለ (ጠቅላይ ሚኒስቴሩ፣ ካቢኔው፣ የፀጥታ ኃይሉ፣ ወዘተ።) ነገር ግን ሁለቱ የመንግሥት ቅርንጫፎች የአስፈፃሚው አካል እስረኞች እንጂ ሚዛን ጠባቂዎች አይደሉም።

የልጅ ሚካኤል አዲስ አበባ

(በፍቃዱ ዘ. ኃይሉ) 

“የአዲስ አበባ ብሔርተኝነት” ቢኖር ኖሮ መሪው ልጅ ሚካኤል ይሆን ነበር። አሁን አሁን እሱ ስለ አዲስ አበባ የዘፈናቸውን ዘፈኖች ቁጥር ራሱ በትክክል መቁጠር ይቸግረኛል። ለአዲስ አበባ ከተዘፈኑ ዘፈኖቹ ውጪም በየዘፈኑ ውስጥ የሚጨማምራቸው መልዕክቶች በራሳቸው መወድሰ አዲስ አበባ ናቸው። ለምሳሌ፣ በቅርቡ በለቀቀው ‘አዲስ አራዳ’ በተሰኘው አልበሙ ውስጥ ‘የድሬ ልጅ’ የሚል ዘፈን አለው። ዘፈኑ የተዘጋጀው ያው የአዲስ አበባ እህት ተደርጋ የምትቆጠረውን ድሬ ዳዋን ለማወደስ ነበር። ልጅ ሚካኤል ግን የአዲስ አበባ ፍቅሩ ያመልጠውና የሚከተለውን ያቀነቅናል፦

“መጣልሽ በሏት፣ ድሬ ድረስ፣

 ከአዱ ገነት፣ ከሸገር፣ ከአዲስ ደረሰ፣...

የሸገር ልጅ አራዳ ነው፣ ሰው አክባሪ፣ ሰው ወዳዱ፣

ቀላጅና ተረበኛ፣

ፍቅር ይዞ የሚተኛ፣

‘አለው’ የለ፣ ‘የለው’ የለ፣

ከሁሉ ጋ፣ ግባ ጀባ...፤”፤

ልጅ ሚካኤል በዚህ አልበሙ ብቻ አዲስ አበባን የሚያውድሰባቸው ሌሎችም ዘፈኖች አሉ፤ ‘አዲስ አራዳ’ የሚለው የአልበሙ መጠሪያ እና ‘ሸገር’ የሚሉት ዘፈኖቹ ዋነኞቹ ናቸው። ታዲያ እንዲህ በአዲስ አበባ ፍቅር የሚቃጠለው ልጅ ሚካኤል "ሊነግረን የሚፈልገው ምንድን ነው?" የሚለው ጥያቄ ደጋግሞ ይመጣብኛል። ይህ የልጅ ሚካኤል አዲስ አበባ ምንነትን ለመረዳት የሚጥር ፖለቲካዊ መጣጥፍ ነው።

‘አዲሱ አራዳ’ ማነው?
በዚህ ዘፈኑ በብዙዎቻችን ዕድሜ የትዝታ ማኅደር ውስጥ የሚገኙ ነገር ግን በአዲስ አበባ ልማት ሥም የፈረሱ እና እየተረሱ ያሉ ሰፈሮችን ሥም ያነሳሳል። ዘፈኑ በግጥሙም በዜማውም፣ የሐዘን እንጉርጉሮ ያለበት ነው። ምሳሌ እንውሰድ፦

“ጨርሰሽ ስትወጪ ከቡፌ ዳ’ላጋ፣

ጠብቂኝ እንዳልል፣ ቆመሽ መሐሙድ’ጋ፣

አገር ተቀይሯል፣ ተኝቼ ሲነጋ”